Die europäische Agrarpolitik: Entwicklung, aktuelle Trends (German Edition)

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Zu diesem Zeitpunkt war das politische Schicksal Osteuropas noch bedingt offen.

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Stalins Denken war auf Autarkie gerichtet. Diese liefen zu Beginn der er Jahre an. Lernprozesse waren nicht zu beobachten, denn selbst Politikelemente, die wie die Kollektivierung eine verheerende Vernichtung von Ressourcen bewirkt hatten, wurden nicht ausgenommen. Ende wurde auch der Beginn der Kollektivierung erzwungen.

Sie folgte ebenfalls dem sowjetischen Ablaufschema. Vielfach kam es zu Verhaftungen und zur Konfiskation des Besitzes. Ein freiwilliger Beitritt der Bauern zu den LPGs war nicht zu erwarten, wenn diese ihnen nur unbezahlte Zwangsarbeit boten. Den Verantwortlichen war der armselige Zustand der Kolchosen bekannt. Die weitere Kollektivierung wurde mit weniger Nachdruck betrieben und geriet ins Stocken. Diese fing an, sich unter den neuen Bedingungen einzurichten und sich an sie anzupassen. Der politische Gestaltungsspielraum wurde kaum genutzt.

Auch nach blieb die Wirtschaftspolitik in allen Staaten im Gleichklang, sodass weiterhin von einer Sowjetisierung gesprochen werden muss. In allen administrativen Kommandowirtschaften war der verschwenderische Umgang mit den knappen Ressourcen festzustellen.


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Sie thematisierten die krassen Effizienzprobleme und die Unvollkommenheiten der Kommandowirtschaft. Die Verlagerung von mehr Rechten in die Betriebe erleichterte letztlich die Anwendung korrupter Praktiken. Von der Tschechoslowakei abgesehen, waren die kommunistischen Parteien nicht bereit, auf ihren Anspruch zu verzichten, in der Wirtschaft zu intervenieren.

Selbst beim Kopieren der aus dem Westen importierten Technologie versagten sie. Das Interesse an der Fortsetzung der administrativen Kommandowirtschaften erwuchs aus der Tatsache, dass die kommunistischen Parteien wie zuvor Stalin mit ihrer Hilfe ihre Bedeutung und Unersetzbarkeit unter Beweis stellen konnten. Die Bodenreform war nicht von einem spontanen Handeln begleitet. Nun verbreitete sich eine "Wir sitzen alle in einem Boot"-Stimmung. Sie versuchten das Beste aus einer Situation zu machen, die sie selbst nicht angestrebt hatten.

In der Regel kannten die Mitglieder einander seit langem. Die Vorsitzenden stammten aus der lokalen Bauernschaft. Die Konsolidierung wurde durch steigende Einkommen und die sozialpolitische Absicherung erleichtert, weil der Staat die Agrarproduktion mit erheblichen Mitteln subventionierte. Ihren vergleichsweise bescheidenden Wohlstand sahen sie in Verbindung mit den sozialen Errungenschaften als Besitzstand an, den sie zu verteidigen bereit waren. Dieser Prozess war politisch stark reglementiert, dennoch fehlte nicht nur ein "Generalplan", sondern auch eine die Folgen des Tuns reflektierende Instanz.

Folgende Elemente des Transferprozesses konnten unterschieden werden:.

by members of

Stephan Merl. Stalin, Josef W. Juni , in: Josef W. Stalin: Werke, Frankfurt am Main , vol. Berliner, Joseph S. Bronson, David W. Millar Hg. Clark, William A. Davies, Robert W. Carr, London , S. Feiwel, George R. Fischer, Wolfram Hg. Gibianskij, Leonid J. Gregory, Paul R. Harrison, Mark Hg. Haumann, Heiko: Einleitung zu Leon N.

Die neue GAP: Optimale Ressourcenverteilung in den Regionen

Berlin It could also contribute to making access to healthcare more equitable. It also looks at best practice and how progress can be made. Sex refers to the biological differences between men and women, whereas gender refers to the socially constructed characteristics of women and men such as norms, roles, and relationships of and between groups of women and men. They affect employment of good mental- and physical health, and levels of wellbeing.

The Pillar sets out a number of key principles and rights to support fair and well-functioning labour markets and welfare systems and more resilient economic structures.

https://awirunocymam.tk

Dr. Stephanie Domptail

The Pillar is designed as a compass for a renewed process of convergence towards bett er working and living conditions. It is primarily conceived for the euro area but open to all EU Member States. It looks at the situation in Europe today, and at existing and proposed European legislation in this field. It describes some of the best national practices designed to tackle youth exclusion, and gives some policy recommendations for the future. The European Semester is an annually applied mechanism for policy coordination at EU level.

EuroHealthNet considers more can be done and achieved through the EU Semester process to ensure action is taken which responds to social and health needs of people from different socio-economic groups. By providing recommendations to Member States in social and economic areas, the EU Semester process can be important for addressing health inequalities and the social determinants of health. In this document EuroHealthNet takes a closer look at three key social determinants of health and how they are represented in the EU Semester while providing examples from the country specific recommendations and the Country Reports of three countries: Austria, Slovakia and Ireland.

We analyse the Annual Growth survey , and compare Country Specific Recommendations with country progress reports and recommendations in light of the available evidence in three key themes. What is positive, what is missing and what can be done better? This analysis highlights the entry points and opportunities for tackling health and social inequalities within the EU Semester process. It also considers the relevance of using and applying the principles of the European Pillar of Social Rights Social Pillar and its Social Scoreboard to increase the impact of the EU Semester as a coordination tool for social, health and well-being policies.

It undertakes a detailed analysis of EU Member States' reforms plans and provides them with Country Specific Recommendations CSRs following extensive consultation with stakeholders at European and national levels. The publication of the CSRs entails a potential political programme for each member state for the coming semester period. As such, CSRs represent an opportunity to ascertain the extent to which they may — or may not — contribute to health equity.

This document brings together two areas amenable to policy actions that can improve health and reduce health inequalities: children and families; and health systems from a health promotion perspective. For children and families, the analysis aims to ascertain the scope and inclusiveness of CSRs related to children and families and to find out whether the suggested measures are a step towards improving health and reducing health inequalities.

For health systems we try to examine whether the CSRs are likely to stimulate reforms that reduce health inequalities and support investment in health promotion and disease prevention. The authors show the economic and employment potential of a Green New Deal and that the EU has the possibility of leading the way. The report takes a pragmatic approach in the sense that it focuses primarily on how to "green" immediate recovery activities in specific economic areas, and how to support the creation of framework conditions which initiate a dynamic for ecological modernisation and structural change.

It also identifies key elements for the implementation of a Green New Deal. The report ends with a series of recommendations that urge the European Union and its Member States to focus their programmes on investments that will kick-start a Green economy and provide sustainable ways out of the crisis. Since the first UN Conference on the Environment and Development in Rio in , all the important environmental trends have taken a turn for the worse. In politics and industry decisions are still taken with scant regard for climate change, biodiversity loss or dwindling resources.

The idea of unfettered growth as the way to end poverty and escape economic and financial crisis remains largely undisputed and is currently reflected in the concept of the green economy. The Republic of Belarus belongs to the group of countries without their own considerable energy and fuel resources EFR. The EFR include: crude oil, natural gas, peat, water resources and biomass. There are practically no other sources of energy in Belarus other than those of renewable character.

Is it aware of these developments and how does it interpret these huge capital flows in such a short space of time? Does it take the view that they may be related to the crisis in the banking system in Cyprus and the decision to perform a haircut on deposits? Can it confirm that all the capital transfers were legitimate and that there are no issues of money laundering or other illegal acts?

Why is Russian capital, which the Union considered undesirable and harmful in Cyprus, so welcome in other Member States, without the Union reacting as it did in Cyprus? Will it investigate this serious matter and behave even-handedly, or will it continue to apply double standards in its relations with the Member States?

These measures form the basis for restoring the viability of the financial sector. The Commission is aware of the amounts of Russian outward foreign direct investment FDI in the first quarter of referred to in the question. As long as investments are based on sound economic criteria, they are welcomed and can provide a win-win outcome for recipient countries and investors. The Commission is not aware of any illegality in the capital transfers and is confident that the Cypriot authorities would investigate any areas of suspicion.

At a wider level, the Commission is working with Cyprus and the Troika partners to make any necessary improvement in the anti-money laundering regime in Cyprus. One side effect of the Eurogroup's — in my view, completely misguided — decisions and the haircut on deposits imposed in Cyprus is the risk that the main systemic bank on the island may fall into the hands of foreign, non-European, especially Russian, interests. The New York Times has also published an article pointing out the risk that the Bank of Cyprus may finally end up in Russian hands.

Was it aware of the above risk when the decisions were taken to perform a haircut on Cypriot deposits? Does it believe that the possible control of the main systemic bank in Cyprus by the so-called Russian oligarchs really represents a danger for the economy of Cyprus and the EU? If the answer to question 2 is in the affirmative, can it identify what these risks are and explain why they were ignored when the relevant decisions were taken?

In the light of this development, does the Council now realise that the decisions on Cyprus were mistaken and not sufficiently thought through and that they have had disastrous consequences, or does it still believe that they were the right decisions to take? That marked an important milestone for restoring confidence in the Cypriot financial sector.

In the light of this development, does the Commission now realise that the decisions on Cyprus were mistaken and not sufficiently thought through and that they have had disastrous consequences, or does it still believe that they were the right decisions to take? It is for the Cypriot authorities to decide on the organisation of the representation of shareholders in Bank of Cyprus and to strike the appropriate balance between shareholders rights and the potential governance issues, especially as a lot of depositors are now shareholders further to the restructuration. It is widely accepted that there has been a big increase in poverty in many EU Member States due to the ongoing economic crisis.

Has this survey been completed? If so, can it use the findings of this survey to provide comparative data on poverty in the Member States?